The intraradical glottal stop in Philippine languages: Innovation or retention?
Robert Blust
Volume
52
Issue
NA
Pages
-
72
93
Date of publication:
December 31, 2021
It is now well-established that many Austronesian languages, including those in the
Philippines, contain both simple morphemes, and morphemes that include a
submorphemic sound-meaning association within them, as with Ifugaw ukpít ‘to hold by
pressing s.t. between the knees, or between the elbow (or upper arm), and the side of the
body’, Naga Bikol yaʔpít ‘narrow (as a passage), tight (as clothes)’, Hanunóo tipít
clamps, holders, as used to fasten house walls down’, or Hiligaynon lágpit ‘rat trap’, all
containing a reflex of the Proto-Austronesian root *-pit ‘to press, squeeze together;
narrow’ (Blust 1988, to appear). However, unlike languages in other parts of this large
language family, Philippine languages have added an additional layer of complexity in
that these -CVC elements (known since Brandstetter 1916 as ‘roots’) sometimes appear
in the shape -CʔVC. The question addressed here is whether the glottal inclusions in
such cases are part of the original root, or are products of secondary change. Evidence
is presented in support of the latter position, but it is also noted that in a very few cases
a bound root appears to be identical to a CVCVC free morpheme (in the present case,
*piqit), suggesting that some -CVC roots derive from free morphemes of the shape
CVqVC.
Because of inescapably contradictory evidence this matter is left open,
although it is clear that the great majority of submorphemic sound-meaning associations
had the shape -CVC.